PUBLICATIONS

@article{Lago2025b,

title = {Insensitivity to truth-value in negated sentences: does linear distance matter?},

author = {Sol Lago and Petra Schulz and Esther Rinke and Elise Oltrogge and Carolin Dudschig and Barbara Kaup},

doi = {10.3765/elm.3.5797},

issn = {2694-1791},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-01-24},

urldate = {2025-01-24},

journal = {ELM},

volume = {3},

pages = {214--223},

publisher = {Linguistic Society of America},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>Affirmative sentences are comprehended more quickly when they are true vs. false but this facilitation is often reduced or absent in negative sentences, yielding a so-called negation-by-truth-value interaction. The reduced sensitivity to truth-value has been attributed to processing difficulties triggered by negation. We investigated whether difficulties such as these were eased when comprehenders were given more time to process the negator. Specifically, we compared negated sentences in which the negator immediately preceded an adjectival predicate vs. occurred earlier in the sentence, separated by several words from the predicate. The results of two sentence-picture matching tasks replicated previous findings of increased processing difficulties in negative vs. affirmative sentences, as well as the negation-by-truth-value interaction. However, we did not find evidence that sensitivity to truth-value was modulated by the distance between the negator and the predicate. Our findings suggest that, when sentences are presented in isolation, having more time to process a negator does not confer a measurable comprehension advantage.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Mognon2025,

title = {Are second language speakers more pragmatically tolerant? Explaining the differences in scalar implicature generation between L2 and L1},

author = {Irene Mognon and Amber L. Marree and Petra Hendriks},

doi = {10.3765/elm.3.5798},

issn = {2694-1791},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-01-24},

urldate = {2025-01-24},

journal = {ELM},

volume = {3},

pages = {236--249},

publisher = {Linguistic Society of America},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>Children’s difficulties with Scalar Implicature (SI) generation have been argued to stem from their tolerance towards pragmatic violations rather than from issues with the inferential process per se (Katsos \& Bishop 2011). Ternary judgment tasks have been used to support this view. In these tasks, when presented with underinformative sentences, children, as well as adults, choose an intermediate option between acceptance and rejection, thus demonstrating sensitivity to underinformativeness. Some recent studies show that adult second language (L2) speakers also generate SIs at lower rates. In this work, we investigated whether pragmatic tolerance, possibly emerging because of limited language exposure, could explain the difference between (adult) L2 and L1 speakers. Contrary to our expectations, neither our L1 control group nor our L2 groups (L2 High and L2 Low Proficiency) consistently selected the intermediate option when judging underinformative sentences. However, the L2 Low Proficiency group showed a significantly higher tendency to accept underinformative sentences compared to the L1 group. Hence, our results do not support the hypothesis that L2 speakers are more pragmatically tolerant than L1 speakers. However, our findings show that, despite the adoption of a ternary judgment task, low-proficient L2 speakers display a strong tendency to interpret underinformative sentences literally. We argue that this tendency in the L2 can be attributed to the increased cognitive effort involved in SI generation.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Luecking:Ginzburg:2025-exceptions,

title = {Exceptions From Rules and Noteworthy Exceptions},

author = {Andy L\"{u}cking and Jonathan Ginzburg},

url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s10988-024-09429-1},

doi = {10.1007/s10988-024-09429-1},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-01-01},

journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},

volume = {48},

pages = {371-409},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Abrami:et:al:2025:a,

title = {Docker Unified UIMA Interface: New perspectives for NLP on big data},

author = {Giuseppe Abrami and Markos Genios and Filip Fitzermann and Daniel Baumartz and Alexander Mehler},

url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352711024004047},

doi = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.softx.2024.102033},

issn = {2352-7110},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-01-01},

journal = {SoftwareX},

volume = {29},

pages = {102033},

abstract = {Processing large amounts of natural language text using machine 

 learning-based models is becoming important in many disciplines. 

 This demand is being met by a variety of approaches, resulting 

 in the heterogeneous deployment of separate, partly incompatible, 

 not natively scalable applications. To overcome the technological 

 bottleneck involved, we have developed Docker Unified UIMA Interface, 

 a system for the standardized, parallel, platform-independent, 

 distributed and microservices-based solution for processing large 

 and extensive text corpora with any NLP method. We present DUUI 

 as a framework that enables automated orchestration of GPU-based 

 NLP processes beyond the existing Docker Swarm cluster variant, 

 and in addition to the adaptation to new runtime environments 

 such as Kubernetes. Therefore, a new driver for DUUI is introduced, 

 which enables the lightweight orchestration of DUUI processes 

 within a Kubernetes environment in a scalable setup. In this way, 

 the paper opens up novel text-technological perspectives for existing 

 practices in disciplines that deal with the scientific analysis 

 of large amounts of data based on NLP.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Mursell2025,

title = {Subject relative clauses in Dagbani},

author = {Johannes Mursell and Katharina Hartmann},

doi = {10.16995/glossa.10572},

issn = {2397-1835},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-01-01},

urldate = {2025-01-01},

volume = {10},

number = {1},

publisher = {Open Library of the Humanities},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>This paper is concerned with subject relative clauses in Dagbani, a Mabia language spoken in northern Ghana, as these have received little attention in the literature compared to other relative clause constructions. We will argue that a successful syntactic analysis depends on a double headed relative clause structure, with one relative clause internal and one relative clause external head. In addition to discussing the syntax of an understudied language, the paper thus provides further evidence for relative clauses being based on double headed structures, at least in some languages.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {Pragmatic reasoning in context: Anticipating negation for adjectives},

author = {Yvonne Portele and Chiara Boila and Angela Grimm and andJacopo Torregrossa and Merle Weicker and Barbara Kaup },

doi = {https://doi.org/10.18148/sub/2024.v29.1277},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-00-00},

urldate = {2025-00-00},

journal = {Sinn und Bedeutung},

volume = {Vol. 29},

issue = {Sinn und Bedeutung},

pages = {1306\textendash1317},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {[No title]},

author = {Hedde Zeijlstra},

editor = {E. Csipak and J. David and M. Liu},

doi = {https://doi.org/10.18452/33392},

year  = {2025},

date = {2025-00-00},

journal = {A Festschrift in Honour of Regine Eckardt},

pages = {228\textendash240},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Kamali2024,

title = {Negative Dependencies in Turkish},

author = {Beste Kamali and Hedde Zeijlstra},

doi = {10.3390/languages9110342},

issn = {2226-471X},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-11-00},

urldate = {2024-11-00},

journal = {Languages},

volume = {9},

number = {11},

publisher = {MDPI AG},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>In this paper, we provide an overview of negative dependencies in Turkish. The first are elements such as hi\c{c}kimse, which sometimes seem to mean ‘anybody’ and sometimes ‘nobody’. We argue that unlike a standard Negative Polarity Item (NPI) like English anybody, these items should be analyzed as neg-words licensed under Negative Concord (NC). We also discuss further properties of these items, including whether they are universals or existentials. The second set of items that display a negative dependency are universal quantifiers such as herkes ‘everybody’. Unlike their counterparts in many languages, these items obligatorily scope under negation, which raises the question of why a universal is sensitive to negation in the way it is. We account for this behavior in terms of negative polarity sensitivity based on a referentiality requirement we dub the Non-Entailment-of-Non-Existence Condition, following a particular analysis of a class of NPIs in Mandarin. The final case of negative dependency we evaluate is modals that have to scope under or above negation. These cases constitute instances of polarity sensitivity in English and beyond, especially clearly in the case of modal PPIs. We show that in Turkish, however, they do not, and the apparent negative dependency follows from the syntax of Tense-aspect-modality (TAM) morphology.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sailer2024,

title = {Horn clauses and strict NPIs under negated matrix clauses},

author = {Manfred Sailer},

doi = {10.21248/hpsg.2024.10},

issn = {1535-1793},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-10-15},

urldate = {2024-10-15},

journal = {hpsg},

publisher = {University Library J. C. Senckenberg},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>

The present paper makes four main contributions: First, it argues for a surface-scope oriented approach to phenomena that have been considered strong arguments against a surface scope of negation: the licensing of embedded strict Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) and embedded Negative Inversion (i.e. Horn clauses). Second, this surface-scope analysis is expressed within existing HPSG analyses of NPI licensing and Negative Inversion. Third, the strict/non-strict distinction of NPIs is reduced to universal vs. existential quantification over the licensing requirement within a semantic representation. Fourth, Negative Inversion is analyzed as a constructional NPI. The existence of constructional NPIs should not be surprising, but no such example has been previously discussed in HPSG to my knowledge.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Zeijlstra2024,

title = {Two Varieties of Korean: Rightward Head Movement or Polarity Sensitivity?},

author = {Hedde Zeijlstra},

doi = {10.1162/ling_a_00471},

issn = {1530-9150},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-07-11},

urldate = {2024-07-11},

volume = {55},

number = {3},

pages = {622--641},

publisher = {MIT Press},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>A strong argument in favor of the existence of rightward, string-adjacent head movement comes from Han, Lidz, and Musolino (2007). They argue that Korean language-internal variation with respect to the scopal order between negation and universal quantifier objects shows that in the variety where negation takes wide scope, the negative marker must have moved along with the verb/auxiliary to the head of IP. This would then constitute evidence for rightward, string-adjacent head movement. In this article, I argue that this analysis actually makes different predictions than have been attested in Korean. Moreover, I argue that, following a well-known stand with respect to the nature of polarity sensitivity (Chierchia 2013), these facts follow naturally once it is assumed that in one variety, but not the other, universal quantifiers are positive polarity items. This makes the attested language-internal variation in Korean less exceptional since language-internal variation with respect to polarity sensitivity is widely attested.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Poletto2024,

title = {Clitic Doubling in the Romance Languages},

author = {Cecilia Poletto and Francesco Pinzin},

doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.643},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-06-18},

urldate = {2024-06-18},

publisher = {Oxford University PressNew York, NY},

abstract = {\<jats:title\>Abstract\</jats:title\>

                  \<jats:p\>The phenomenon of clitic doubling is very widespread in different forms in the Romance languages. It can be defined as the double occurrence of the same constituent twice inside a single clausal unit; one of the two is represented by a clitic while the other has the properties of a whole phrase. It can target essentially all arguments of the verb and is often sensitive to the semantic/pragmatic properties (like definiteness/specificity, topicality, animacy) of the phrasal doublee so that XPs with these properties are more frequently doubled than XPs that do not have them, although there are languages in which doubling covers the whole spectrum of a given argument. A robust empirical generalization is that direct objects can be doubled only in languages that also double indirect objects, while there is no relation with subject clitic doubling.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sch\"{u}tt2024,

title = {Multimodal aspects of sentence comprehension: Do facial and color cues interact with processing negated and affirmative sentences?},

author = {Emanuel Sch\"{u}tt and Merle Weicker and Carolin Dudschig},

doi = {10.1037/xlm0001302},

issn = {1939-1285},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-06-00},

urldate = {2024-06-00},

journal = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition},

volume = {50},

number = {6},

pages = {957--966},

publisher = {American Psychological Association (APA)},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sch\"{u}tt2024b,

title = {Multimodal aspects of sentence comprehension: Do facial and color cues interact with processing negated and affirmative sentences?},

author = {Emanuel Sch\"{u}tt and Merle Weicker and Carolin Dudschig},

doi = {10.1037/xlm0001302},

issn = {1939-1285},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-06-00},

journal = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition},

volume = {50},

number = {6},

pages = {957--966},

publisher = {American Psychological Association (APA)},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Balsemin2024,

title = {Universal 20 restriction reloaded},

author = {Tommaso Balsemin and Francesco Pinzin and Cecilia Poletto},

doi = {10.5565/rev/isogloss.335},

issn = {2385-4138},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-01-30},

urldate = {2024-01-30},

journal = {isogloss},

volume = {10},

number = {3},

publisher = {Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona},

abstract = {\<jats:p\>In this work we show that Old Italo-Romance varieties have two types of pragmatic related movement to the left periphery of both the clausal and nominal domains: one that focuses the moved constituent itself and another that marks the moved constituent as background, resulting in emphasis of the non-moved portion. While Focus fronting does not obey the U20 restriction originally proposed in Cinque (2005), (back)grounding does. This counters the idea that only meaningless movements (i.e., movements deriving the canonical word order of a language) need to obey the U20 restriction, since some meaningful movements do as well. After having examined the properties of both types of constructions, we derive the distinction on the basis of the type of feature that triggers the movement. While operators like Focus have their own feature, which is read by the labeling algorithm, all other cases of movement must use the label of the lexical head, which therefore must be contained in the moved subtree. Hence, (back)grounding must drag along the lexical head to be labeled, while Focus does not need to.\</jats:p\>},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {Negative concord as doubling},

author = {Cecilia Poletto},

editor = {M. Greco et al},

url = {https://www.research.unipd.it/handle/11577/3548338?mode=complete},

isbn = {978-2-8399-4196-9},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-00-00},

urldate = {2024-00-00},

journal = {Festschrift in honor of Andrea Moro},

pages = {279-286},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {Presuppositions of tense and strength of counterfactuality},

author = {Zahra Mirrazi},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-00-00},

journal = {Natural Language Semantics},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {Head movement and linear edges},

author = {K. Branan and H. Zeijlstra (2024). Head movement and linear edges. Glossa.},

year  = {2024},

date = {2024-00-00},

journal = {Glossa},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {forthcoming},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{nokey,

title = {nformation-structural constraints on linearization in the DP},

author = {J. Mursell and A. Himmelreich},

journal = {Linguistic Variation},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {forthcoming},

tppubtype = {article}

}